Trump’s Justice Department is moving to close the book on the January 6 pipe bomb with a dubious new “bomber” while burying a five‑year trail of FBI failures, Capitol Police anomalies, and independent reporting from Steve Baker and former FBI agent Kyle Seraphin.​

Reps. Thomas Massie and Barry Loudermilk released a bombshell report on January 2, 2025, titled “Four Years Later: Examining the State of the Investigation into the RNC and DNC Pipe Bombs,” exposing massive security lapses and FBI stonewalling. Massie slammed the bureau for sitting idle, telling corporate media, “You should be reporting on the lack of diligence for the last five years at the FBI on this investigation.” Their findings shred the narrative: USSS agents and dogs missed the DNC bomb during sweeps, letting Kamala Harris’s motorcade roll feet from it; Capitol Police let 40+ vehicles and 10 pedestrians breach the perimeter around the devices; and Nancy Pelosi’s motorcade drove through an active bomb scene.​

The report confirms the FBI identified multiple persons of interest early on — including one who photographed the RNC dumpster pre-bomb, a vehicle matching the suspect’s description post-drop, a Nike Air Max Speed Turf sneaker owner “in the area,” and five whose cell data tracked the bomber’s path — yet did nothing with them for years. No “corrupted cell data” excuses either; carriers confirmed they gave clean info, debunking FBI claims. Massie notes the timing of the new arrest “raises more questions than it answers” about ignored leads, while their probe was limited from touching Capitol Police.

Seraphin: DOJ’s New Suspect Looks Like a Patsy

On Clint Russell’s “Liberty Lockdown” podcast, Seraphin explains he worked January 6 surveillance on the FBI’s Special Operations Group and was assigned to the original “persons of interest” in the pipe bomb case. He notes, describes three key figures: a retired Air Force E‑9 in Falls Church, Virginia (Person of Interest 3); an itinerant Christian preacher who used that man’s Metro card and Uber account (Person of Interest 2); and the hooded bomber figure the public has seen on video (Person of Interest 1).

Seraphin recounts that Person of Interest 2 emerged from Capitol South Metro on January 5, swapped a MAGA hat for a hunting cap, sunglasses and mask, then “proceeded to beeline directly to the dumpster where the first pipe bomb was found at the RNC … and took pictures of the dumpster on camera.” He says the FBI cleared the man on the claim he was taking pictures of “numbers” for a book that never existed, even though he took only three photos that day — all at key spots on the pipe bomber’s route.

By contrast, Trump’s DOJ now wants Americans to believe a 30‑year‑old who is autistic, lives with his family, favors red Crocs and has a distinctive gait is the same smooth‑moving figure in the hoodie. Seraphin notes the FBI has a long record of coercing confessions from mentally impaired targets. “It doesn’t hold any water for me,” he said, arguing that the case looks like another manufactured “win” for a bureau under fire.

Steve Baker’s Leads: Capitol Police, CIA and Altered Evidence

National File has already reported Baker’s forensic work connecting former Capitol Police officer Shauni Kerkhoff — a less‑than‑lethal trainer who allegedly fired rubber rounds at protesters’ heads on January 6 — to the pipe bomber via gait analysis and proximity to Person of Interest 3’s residence in Falls Church. Seraphin confirms that “the Blaze … announced that they had a gait match analysis to a Capitol Police officer … who just happened to live next door to person of interest three where I had been four years prior as an FBI agent,” calling the pattern “completely bizarre.”

Baker’s second major story, Seraphin says, showed that FBI‑released surveillance of the bomber had been deliberately degraded: frame rates lowered, aspect ratios changed from 16:9 to 4:3, and faces blurred whenever they might be enhanced. “They had tampered with the evidence they were releasing to the public.” Seraphin told Russell.

Independent analyst “Acrobat” then tracked two Capitol Police counter‑surveillance officers who, on January 6, drove lights and sirens before the public bomb call and marched straight to the exact bush where the bomber had lingered for 77 seconds the night before, checked under it twice, and then went directly to the bench hiding the device, finding it in roughly 11 minutes.

Those officers and their chain of command were later rewarded: the bomb squad leader moved into Yogananda Pittman’s former slot running Capitol Police intelligence; the officer who “found” the device became liaison to the FBI; and the congressional staffer who led the Hill’s internal pipe bomb review is now an assistant director at the bureau.

Massie has publicly confirmed that his new House inquiry was only allowed to reopen the case on the condition that it would not subpoena or investigate Capitol Police at all — an extraordinary carve‑out around the agency at the center of the bomb discovery.​

Trump’s DOJ Sides With the Bureau, Not the Truth

Instead of forcing the bureau to answer why it altered evidence, cleared obvious recon actors, and rewarded the very people tied to the bomb discovery, Trump’s DOJ is helping deliver a tidy narrative for the same security state that framed January 6 as an excuse for permanent domestic crackdown. Until Massie’s questions are answered — and Baker, Seraphin and other serious investigators are heard instead of harassed — the January 6 pipe bomb remains not a solved crime, but a live indictment of the FBI, the Capitol Police, and the political class that keeps protecting them.

For a full in-depth analysis, watch Clint Russell’s interview with Kyle Seraphin:

The post FBI Whistleblower Kyle Seraphin Rips Trump DOJ for J6 Pipe Bomb Cover-Up, Ignoring Baker’s Capitol Police Bombshell appeared first on National File.